The proposition to put negroes in the army
has the Richmond
Enquirer for an advocate. This
is a matter of regret; for the Enquirer has usually
been ably
conducted, and has wielded a great influence. Some of its positions are
replied
to by "Ora" as follows:
The "proposition" seems to be not so much
a
question of defense as it is one of emancipation, while the former is
made the
plea under which the latter is to be effected. Last
winter a Major General, of foreign birth,
submitted to the general officers of the army of Tennessee this same proposition,
with whom
it is believed it originated: the measure was at once discountenanced
and
frowned down, and what was considered a faux
pas of the officers was "hushed up." It
is unscrupulously asserted that the army
favorably entertains this expediency, while the Enquirer
is "decidedly of the opinion that the whole country
will agree to the proposition," and that Congress will provide for it
accordingly. So far as the action of Congress is concerned; the able
and
unanswerable argument of the [Charleston]
Mercury on this subject, in its issue
of the 3d instant, incontrovertibly establishes that Congress has
neither power
to conscribe our slaves into our armies, nor to emancipate them.
But the Enquirer makes
the startling declaration that "This very exception (the
non-conscription
of our slaves) is an imputation that this war is for slavery and not
for
freedom." No, this war is not for
freedom---it is for Liberty and Independence! The liberty and right of States to maintain
and protect the institution of slavery independent of the interference
of the
world, and from the cut-throat robbers of the North.
Southern slavery is Liberty.
Northern freedom
is the abomination of slavery. What have
we been fighting for, if not for the security of our honor, the liberty
of our
institutions? To what amounts the
political struggle of forty years and waste of talent to prove to the
whole
world the humanity and Christianity of our institution of slavery,
maintained
by four years of bloody fratricidal strife, if, to-day, on the dawn of
our
liberty and independence, we are to accept of a proposition to
emancipate our
slaves? And what is contained in this
proposition? Why, we are called upon to
abjure our faith, our laws, and our religion! The
proposition is monstrous. It
is a civil, political, and religious incest---violating every principle
of law,
nature, and God.
To what amounts the millions of treasure
spent and property destroyed---the
horrible sufferings of the wounded and dying braves whose blood waters
every
hill-top and valley from Kentucky to Texas---the hetacombs of our
gallant dead
who fought and fell believing in the institution and Liberty of
Slavery, and
the Great God of the Universe who established it---the wail and wo, the
heartaches, griefs and sorrows, the shocking suffering, and terrible
sacrifices
endured by our heroic, angelic women amid scenes of unheard of atrocity
and
carnage---to what amounts all this, I say this unparalleled exhibition
and maintenance
of the virtue of our land, if we shall yield at last to the fiendish
desires of
the Abolitionists?
This war has proved the undeniable fact,
that our negroes
prefer bondage with us, according to their voluntary admissions, to
freedom
with the Yankees. And the reality is
sustained by the living truth, that with every inducement our foes
could hold
out, they have failed to promote a slave insurrection among us. This has astonished all England. When "the worst shall come to the
worst" we can arm our slaves against the invader without emancipating
them, or promising them the reward of turning them out on an
uncharitable
abolition world, homeless and houseless, to take care of
themselves---for this
is the genuine article of England's Island of Jamaica philanthropic
emancipation.
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